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  There were grand courtiers of Mrs. Indira Gandhi like famed author our famous Sardar Khushwant Singh who wrote laudatory articles about great changes that the Emergency had brought about and how Sanjay Gandhi was a great visionary leader, a wonderful engineer with his ‘tin box’ of a small car. Mr Singh was suitably rewarded with citations, awards and lucrative postings. There were many such worthies in media who curried favours with Congress party during those days. To round off the car story I may mention that realising that the car was not going anywhere with its backyard technology; though the idea of a people’s car by itself was not bad; government finally adopted this project and in collaboration with Suzuki brought out the trail blazing Maruti car.

  The press, including the great old lady of Boribunder, the Times of India, used to be awash with great stories about how the Emergency had improved work culture all around (which was a partial truth) and how people appreciated the great disciplined era (which was not that true) ushered in by the great leader Mrs. Indira Gandhi. All this was eerily close to the Russian propaganda mills. Any act beyond a point can become counter-productive and leads to excesses. Disapproval of such acts the Indira government to curb the the freedom of people was clearly demonstrated in subsequent election results. I am not expanding on these points as the focus of the book is not the Emergency but the role of RSS in the struggle for democratic rights.

  On a personal and organisational front, this meeting of people from other political streams during the struggle and exposure to their ideologies was a great learning experience. There was a clear directive to work with all political and social organisations to fight the emergency. We used to meet every evening to play in open grounds but not in a regular way the shakhas worked. We would meet even in the nights to plan our strategies under the leadership of our local secretary for satyagrah and other modes of agitation, like putting up posters and wall paintings to register our protests.

  Fortunately, I was also part of the team of volunteers who would ferry central RSS leaders to different locations incognito for one of the earliest meeting of central committee hosted for three days on three different venues within Mumbai that planned the agitation against emergency. It was funny to see these leaders in western dresses and wigs et al. Not being media figures helped a lot too. They used to stay with families as their uncles, and would be constantly on the move. A colleague of mine, Jagdish Baliga used to move in different attires and facial changes for months before he was finally caught. He was in charge of Dr Subramanian Swamy’s movements when he attended the Parliament and again disappeared to resurface in United Kingdom (UK). He was hosted in the UK by volunteers of Friends of India Society (FISI) a body floated to support pro-democracy movement in India. Among the founding members of FISI were members of Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh of U.K. a Hindu organisation registered in there. FISI played a prominent role in this struggle through out by lobbying for restoration of democratic rights in India and spread the true information about what was happening in India.

  Big brother was watching everywhere, so there was a lot of thrill for us youngsters for underground work. The training we had received in shakhas since our childhood stood us in good stead. Not a single worker tried to stave off an imminent arrest for participation in satyagraha. Infact, it was the local leaders who would sometimes refuse to allow a person to take part in satyagraha because he knew the person had a serious problem at home or he was required for some other underground activity. It was simply another duty given by the Sangh and it had to be done, that was the attitude. For us, this was direct example of what could be achieved by praying to the motherland daily and pledging to serve her and the society unflinchingly and selflessly. This was also the time when lady members of sister organisations of RSS, mothers and sisters of RSS volunteers and young girl students also joined this struggle against dictatorship in good numbers. They also kept the morale of volunteers high by coming to courts during hearings carrying with them eatables and sweets.

  The Emergency finally came to an end in 1977. One of the primary reasons for its end, was the political pressure that had built up on incarceration of over 100,000 political prisoners in jails. Protests, agitation and satyagraha had slowly gripped the country; coupled with the high number of political prisoners. This brought enormous pressure on Mrs Gandhi. Then, there was an international pressure built through various channels including the ones utilized by FISI A critical factor was Mrs Gandhi’s urge to legitimise her dictatorship by winning an election which many of her coterie thought would be a cake walk. “India is Indira and Indira is India” syndrome was in full flow. That the events proved her and others wrong reflects the strength of our Indian people wedded to democratic way of life for eons who went to polling booths with a determination that their leaders could not read.

  We started off on a very low note when elections were declared, with instructions from the top to work whole heartedly for the victory of Janata Party. There were no resources and people feared coming out in the open even to the party offices initially. Polling booth level plans were devised. It is noteworthy that most of the senior and middle-level leaders were in jail at this time, and thus, we were leaderless going by the common political wisdom. The training in RSS shakhas was useful again. The young volunteers with the help of a few senior workers who were outside the jails soldiered on regardless of the possible outcome. We realised that an anti-emergency wave was building up only in the latter part of campaigning when people started thronging the election offices of the Janata Party. We got a shock of our life when an initial simple cycle rally turned into a strong rally of thousands without any major publicity. Even the local meetings would draw unprecedented crowds. It was a heady feeling. We went nuts when we heard the news of victory of pro-democracy forces in elections of 1977!

  I would not like to digress detailing the dirty politics played especially by socialist groups within Janata Party to break it up under the guise of a manufactured controversy of ‘dual membership’ of ex-Jan Sangh members who had merged Jan Sangh into Janata Party. It was not that they were not aware this loyalty issue before the party was created. Infact, there are records of many such leaders singing paeans about RSS swayamsevaks for their role in restoration of democracy, their discipline and dedication. They had also gone on record saying that they had made a mistake in understanding RSS as they carried a bias within them for years. They had admitted that their close interaction with the RSS and Jan Sangh leaders had opened their eyes. The fact of the matter was that apart from the Communists and Jan Sangh no other political party had a structured organisation They used this organisational power till it suited them. Once they were in power they felt that this cadre might capture Janata Party if and when internal elections took place. They had also noted that a sizeable chunk of MPs belonged to erstwhile Jan Sangh. Thus, followed the disgraceful game of back stabbing; split in the Janata Party; its downfall; and, the return of Mrs Gandhi.

  Regardless of the final political outcome, for RSS it was an epoch making change-over. From an organisation limited to running shakhas and some social service projects and string of associate organisations like Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh and others, it extended its reach in new areas. In fact, a major push for social service projects was made during this time as the volunteers had to find ways of working for society while RSS shakhas were shut down. This period proved Sangh’s mettle as a firm believer in democracy. Its acceptability reached new levels, and it grew rapidly after this, though RSS workers and workers of associated organizations had suffered hard during this period.

  For us, the young volunteers of that time, it was a great learning period. Working underground, offering satyagrah in a virtual dictatorship being imprisoned were the learning blocks that we as the second generation RSS workers were introduced to, just as our predecessors were in 1948, following the ban on RSS. We learnt not just from each other, but from people outside the Sangh umbrella too. Opinions o
f others, including other political parties were of much value to us and we became well versed with the ideologies and working of electoral politics. Until this time our opponents would ridicule us, but after this phase RSS earned respectability and acceptability in socio-political field. Thus, it was a turning point for the organisation.

  There is a small book in Hindi by RSS documenting history of RSS struggle for democracy. Unfortunately, it has not been widely distributed or publicised.

  As politics has gotten pettier these days sullied with vendetta, it serves to remember that the then RSS Chief Shri Balasaheb Deoras had exhorted to the political class after 1977 Janata Party win to let bygones be bygones. He had advised against any sort of witch hunt against political opponents, including Mrs Gandhi. This was typical of RSS as it believes in all round growth of the nation, animosity towards none and wellbeing of all.

  II

  Major Defining Moments

  in RSS History

  RSS was born in 1925 and it is now 92 year old. For an Indian organisation, that too mostly of Hindus, to have not just survived as a united entity but also thrived over such a long time is indeed a tribute to its tenacity of purpose. The reason for its phenomenal longevity is also scripted in its ‘secrets’ described in the following pages.

  The narrative that unfolds in the following pages gives a fair idea that RSS and its members have done much more than they are credited for, for their services to this ancient land. One wonders what would have been the state of affairs had it not intervened decisively or persuaded members of the society and leaders to take a different view of things, and take the right action.

  In an organisation’s life that aspires to define the innate nationhood for the society it is operating in, one that strives to change a monochromatic pattern of thinking internalised over centuries of foreign domination; there would be some defining moments that played a catalytic role that in evolution of the organization.

  Of the various ‘medals’ RSS has received, one that is most commonly handed out is that of being a reactionary and orthodox organization. I would say, slow to respond to various challenges or situations, yes; but reactionary or orthodox definitely never. The birth, the growth, its adaptation to changing circumstances, coming up with newer ways of working through its evolution – all these indicate an organisation that is modern, pro-active and forward looking. Its urge to reform the society of its ills in its own way and help it evolve into a progressive society is recorded in this book briefly.

  Dr Hedgewar chose to take a harder path of social mobilisation when he could have easily stayed on in Congress, taken up positions of power in it and enjoyed fruits of power. He chose a novel and innovative instrument of daily shakha for creating this organization. He understood well that it was a long drawn and tough path. The seeds of this thought were sown by Sister Nivedita’s (disciple of Swami Vivekananda) call to give a certain amount of time every day to the nation if one wished to see its emancipation. Every aspect of organisation and its evolution was experimental. All the training processes were freshly designed and implemented. The only thing that carried him through was his abiding faith in the destiny of the nation.

  Response to various situations right from the ugly days of partition and various challenges facing the nation saw the RSS take pro-active, and many a times, unpopular stance. For example, it opposed reorganisation of states on linguistic lines as it could lead to parochialism, but at the same time it exhorted Non-Sikh Punjabis to write Punjabi as their mother tongue during Census of 1961 as it was incorrect and could lead to disharmony in society. People understood the significance of the stand taken by the RSS only in retrospect after the noise, generally created by our comrades and the secular-Congress lobby quietened. The preceding pages have many such examples. In this chapter, however, I present the milestones in the life of the RSS. It is possible that my readers may not agree with my perspective. These milestones will be elucidated as we proceed to the subsequent chapters. I mention them at this point to enable my readers to gather some reference points as they read on.

  The RSS has gone through various trials and tribulations in its chequered history. Given below are some points that I consider as the defining moments of this organization. Readers may form their own view as their understanding of the organisation becomes better after reading this book.

  1.Partition of Bharat i.e. India

  2.First ban on RSS in 1948

  3.Construction of Vivekananda Rock Memorial

  4.Second ban in 1975 and its struggle against Emergency

  5.Ekaatmataa Yaatra

  6.Dr Hedgewar birth centenary celebrations

  7.Ram Janmabhoomi movement and Third ban

  The evolution has, in reality, been more graded and the growth of RSS from being an organisation to consolidate Hindu society to a huge social movement over time has gone virtually unnoticed. There have been various campaigns and agitations that it has undertaken directly or with its associate organisations that have defined many a political agenda. I have chosen only the major sign-posts which have taken Sangh’s work to higher levels in those respective times.

  I have not considered the establishment of Vishwa Hindu Parishad in 1964 as a milestone in this listing. It is the first Hindu organisation in history of Hindu civilisation that brought hundreds of seers, sages, mahants and heads of various religious sects to a single platform in 1964 and it is a mass organization with its own members and programmes. I mention it here because it was launched and promoted by personal efforts of the then RSS chief Shri M S Golwalkar and full support of RSS in its fledgling years. I consider it an achievement of second Sarsanghchaalak, Shri Guruji who, due to his background as an ordained disciple of Swami Akhandaananda, commanded respect given his knowledge and humility. Only he had the moral and spiritual stature to persuade all Hindu saints, including revered Shankaraacharyas to declare that “All Hindus are brothers” and “No Hindu is fallen or untouchable”

  I have also not mentioned RSS’s relief work during natural disasters as a ‘milestone’, for such relief work is a regular activity in the Sangh swayamsevak’ s life. You will get a glimpse about these later in the book.

  Some of the topics covered below, especially about our Independence struggle, the Partition and banning of RSS have a rather complex background that cannot be elucidated at this stage, but will make more sense as one reads more about it in succeeding pages. So, I have listed detailed notes in the Annexure at the end of this book.

  1. Partition of Bharat

  The British were aware that any delay in declaration of independence could frustrate the conspiracy of Partition inspite of Congress leadership’s capitulation, because they understood that RSS could lead a consolidation of forces opposed to partition. CID reports of that time show that British were vary of RSS. The presence in the RSS shakhas had swelled to huge proportions during pre-partition days. In the latter part of the book and annexure you will get a better glimpse of the RSS volunteers’ sacrifices and death defying work during that period.

  The chief of RSS, Sarsanghchaalak, Shri Guruji had taken up whirlwind tour of the country including politically sensitive and risky areas like Sindh and Punjab, exhorting the followers to be prepared for any sacrifice to save their motherland from partition. He was in Sindh just one week before the declaration of partition and Independence, while other so called Congress leaders had already fled the scene to safer places. Organisational skills of its members were put to test to the fullest in those trying circumstances when its members were not only involved in saving families and refugees from death, rape and plunder but also in organising relief camps. In fact, under instructions of the RSS Chief, a dedicated band of volunteers stayed back in Sindh to facilitate safe migration of Hindu families to India. These workers returned to India, only after they accomplished their mission.

  Earlier, the Muslim League had waved its ‘green flag’ for ‘Direct Action’ on 16 August 1946, and Muslims butchered thousands of Hindus mercile
ssly before Hindus finally organized themselves to save themselves, with indescribable cruelty. The Indian National Congress was rattled by this incident to the core, showed total lack of spirit in putting up a fight. Then followed the pre-partition and post-partition riots led by Muslim League and its goons. Responding Congress’s talk of ‘non-reaction’, Shri Guruji said bluntly, “There is a lot of talk about not picking up arms and not taking revenge. But, I cannot agree with this current language of not reacting; it is not something arising out of bravery. It is nothing but cowardice and fooling ourselves. It is ‘adharma’, that is, immoral to inflict pain upon self. Appealing to be ready for self defence, he affirmed unhesitatingly, “It is our firm belief that every individual has a natural right to self protection and the society made of such individuals also has the same right. I had read a bizarre statement in newspapers which said, ‘An individual or society does not have the right to defend self, only the government has this right, and a person should take law unto his hands even if he is attacked.’ Only law has the right to defend an individual and society. Does it mean that we should sit quietly and wait for police if somebody attacks us? Should there be no attempt for self defence? How far can this be justified? Right of self defence is a right endowed by nature to every individual and society.